Today is October 3rd. Exactly thirty years ago, a bloody denouement began in the confrontation between the highest authority of the RSFSR, the Supreme Council, and the President of the RSFSR, which ended in the death of hundreds of civilians.
On the evening before October 2, the Chairman of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, Gennady Zyuganov, unexpectedly appeared on the screens of federal television channels and called not to support the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, not to participate in actions, rallies and demonstrations in its support, but to simply wait for the results of negotiations under the auspices of the Russian Orthodox Church.
Zyuganov’s speech shocked defenders of the Constitution near the House of Soviets. They regarded this as a betrayal. But many people who believed Zyuganov and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation did not come to the White House on October 3, and although on that day, after breaking the blockade of the House of Soviets, power was lying on the ground, there was not enough strength to establish control over strategic centers.
And that’s why I considered and still consider Zyuganov and other then leaders of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation to be traitors and accomplices of Yeltsin. The very fact of providing television airtime in the midst of a constitutional crisis to a representative of the supposed opposition speaks volumes. No one else, including the leaders of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, who represented the HIGHEST BODY OF RUSSIA, had such an opportunity. But Zyuganov, considered the leader of the main opposition party, received such an opportunity.
Later, when I was elected to the State Duma, I asked him how he could commit this betrayal? He replied that he and other members of the leadership of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation agreed to this in order to save the party from possible repressions. After all, only by saving the party could one continue the struggle to save Russia and for its revival.
But Sergei Filatov, the former first deputy chairman of the Supreme Council of the RSFSR, who in those days defected to Yeltsin’s side and was grateful for this after receiving the post of leader, head of the presidential administration of the Russian Federation, told me during a frank conversation on the sidelines of a banquet in honor of the 100th anniversary of the State Duma Russia, that the Kremlin, after Yeltsin’s notorious Decree on the dissolution of parliament on September 21, 1993, led regular consultations with Zyuganov on distancing the Communist Party of the Russian Federation from the Supreme Council of the RSFSR and publicly refusing to support it.
In exchange for this, after the defeat of the parliament and the adoption of the new Constitution of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, passage into the State Duma of Russia and support for the activities of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation faction, support for the candidates of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in the elections of governors and deputies were guaranteed. And it was even explained to Zyuganov that Yeltsin’s victory would be beneficial to the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, since after his victory other left-wing patriotic forces would be banned and, moreover, destroyed. And thus, the competitors of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation will be eliminated from the political arena. And Zyuganov made a deal with the presidential administration.
Well, Gennady Andreevich, you saved the party, but how are things going with saving Russia?
In my opinion, all these thirty years you and your colleagues from the leadership have been carrying out the order of the presidential administration to neutralize the protest potential of Russian society. And they achieved great success in this.
But at the same time they destroyed the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, which has lost its role as the vanguard of the opposition and, judging by the ratings, has a very weak position in the upcoming elections.
And in conclusion, I have a personal request for you: post the full video of your speech on October 2, 1993 on the Internet. And not the 32-second stub that the Moscow City Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation pasted into its video dedicated to those tragic days. Let me remind you that your speech lasted SIX minutes.
By the way, this video is not in the archives of the Rossiya television company; it was transferred to the closed fund of the President of the Russian Federation and access to it is limited.
Apparently, this is one of those hooks on which the administration of the President of the Russian Federation keeps you on the hook.